(Bašākerdī), collective designation for numerous dialects spoken in southeastern Iran from Bandar-e ʿAbbās eastward, forming a transition from the dialects spoken in Fārs and Lārestān to Baluchi.


BAŠKARDI (Bašākerdī),collective designation for numerous dialects spoken in southeastern Iran from Bandar-e ʿAbbās eastward, forming a transition from the dialects spoken in Fārs and Lārestān to Baluchi.

History of research.Words and sentences from Baškardi dialects were quoted for the first time by R. A. Floyer in his book Unexplored Balūchistan (pp. 467f.). Floyer had visited Baškard in 1876, traveling from Jāsk on the Persian Gulf coast through Angohrān, Sardašt, Šahrbāvek (thus Gershevitch, 1959b—cf. Floyer, p. 197—but elsewhere “Šāhbāvek”), Jaḡdān, Darpahn, and Sanderk. The few Baškardi words quoted by Floyer received no attention from Iranian scholars until G. Morgenstierne quoted them in his article “Balochi Miscellanea” (1948, pp. 253-54). In 1956 I. Gershevitch and his wife were visiting Iran and at the suggestion of Morgenstierne undertook to travel to Baškard and adjacent regions to gather linguistic material. Gershe­vitch reported on the journey in a lecture delivered to the Royal Central Asian Society on 8 April 1959 and has since quoted words and grammatical forms from the Baškardi and related dialects in a number of articles. In 1972 P. O. Skjærvø collected a small amount of material in the town of Mīnāb and on the island of Hormoz, which was published in 1975.

Location. The term Baškardi should properly be used only for the dialects spoken in Baškard (the local name for the official Bašākerd). However, North Baškardi appears to be part of a larger dialect area extending far to the north and northwest of Baškard; therefore the dialects in this area will be discussed here as well. Baškard borders on Baluchi-speaking areas to the west, south, and east. More distant neighbors of Baškardi are Lārestāni (Lār.) to the west and Kumzāri (Kumz.) across the Gulf on the Musandam peninsula (on Baškardi, Lārestāni, and Kumzāri in comparative per­spective see Skjærvø, forthcoming).

Dialects.In Gershevitch’s articles the following subdivisions of Baškardi and related dialects are distinguished (see, e.g., 1970, pp. 163ff.): 1. Dialects outside of Baškard proper include Rūdbāri (Rdb.), i.e., the dialects of Rūdbār (northwest of Baškard proper, center Kahnūj), as spoken by the Jūsī and Dīnār Bor tribes; Bandari, i.e., the Avazi (Evazi) dialect of Bandar-­e ʿAbbās (B.-A.), spoken by Bandaris from Evaz in Lārestān; the dialect of Hormoz island (Horm.) may belong to this group; Mīnābi (Mīn); and Rūdāni of Berentīn (northeast of Mīnāb); 2. North Baškardi (NBš.), east and south(east) of Mīnāb, surrounding the Mārz range, includes the dialects from Rāmešk, Gerōn, and Darza to the east; Sardašt, Angohrān, Bīvraj (Bīveṛč), and Bešnū to the southwest; Dūrkān, Gešmīrān, and Mārīč to the north; 3. South Baškardi (SBš.), to the south of the North Baškardi area, includes the dialects from Šāhbāvek, Garāhven, Pīrōv, Pārmōnt, and Gwāfr; some of these Gershevitch calls Pīzgi dialects (Gershevitch, 1957, p. 318, refers to “the Pīzgī dialects of Šāhbāvek and Pārmōnt,” and 1967, p. 323, to the “Pīzgī dialects spoken in the Kūh-i Āhven and Garāhven districts”).

Linguistic position. Baškardi belongs to the so-called Southwest Iranian languages (see M. Mayrhofer, in Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, ed. R. Schmitt, Wiesbaden, 1988, forthcoming, and G. Windfuhr, ibid.), characterized by the development of proto­-Iranian *dz, *θr, and *št > d, s, and st, respectively, e.g., SBš. domestān “winter” (cf. Kumzāri dimestān, Man. Mid. Pers. dmystʾn), dərāyen or drāʾen “hail” (cf. OInd. hrādúnī/ĭ, Sogd. zy’n; Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 81); NBš, aves, SBš. yōpes “pregnant” (cf. Lārestāni aos, Pers. ābes-tan; Gershevitch, 1979, p. 149); Horm. räst- “to send” (cf. Pers. ferest- but ferešta “angel” from Man. Parth. fryšig). Phonetically Baškardi thus ranges itself more closely with its western neighbors Lārestāni and Kumzāri, which exhibit the same phonetic develop­ments, than with Baluchi, in which *ts/dz > s/z, but *θr > s (see baluchistan, iii).

In both North and South Baškardi the Old Iranian present tense forms serve as present-future tense while there is a new continuous present tense (corresponding to Pers., e.g., mī-konam) formed from the infinitive with a prefix and the enclitic forms of “to be.” The North Baškardi formations are more similar to those found in Lārestāni than to those of South Baškardi, cf. Lār. a-kerdā-em (infinitive kerda), NBš. a-kerdén-om, but SBš. be-kertén-īn or be-kért-īn “I am doing.”

Among the differences between North and South Baškardi the following phonetic characteristics may be noted (see examples below): Intervocalic t remains in South Baškardi (as in Baluchi) but becomes r in North Baškardi (as in Kumzāri). Intervocalic p remains in South Baškardi (as in Baluchi) but becomes w in North Baškardi (as in Kumzāri, Lārestāni, and all other Fārs dialects). OIr. *w becomes v in South Baškardi but g(w) in North Baškardi (as in Baluchi, Parāčī and Ōrmuṛī, and exceptionally in the dialect of Ḵūr in the Dašt-e Kavīr).

The published material is too limited to tell what isoglosses North and South Baškardi may have in common that would define them as a “Baškardi” group against the neighboring dialects of Mīnāb, Rūdbār, Bandar-e ʿAbbās, etc. From what has been published it would seem that North Baškardi is more closely related to its western relatives than to South Baškardi.

Historical phonology.Following are some important phonological developments characteristic of the Baš­kardi dialects.

Vowels. In South Baškardi OIr. a in originally closed syllables > ō or ū (cf. Kumz. a > ō), e.g., sūrt “cold” (Pers. sard), doxūrt “shears” (*do-kart,cf. Av. karəta- “knife”; Gershevitch, 1957, p. 318), bāhr, bohr “spade” (< *badra-, cf. Pers. bēl, Pers. dialects also bāl, Gershe­vitch, 1962a, p. 78), oréṇč “three days hence” (cf. Īrānšahri agrinti; Gershevitch, 1964, p. 86 with n. 26). It thus coincides with SBš. ō/ū < older ā, e.g., “foot” (NBš. ; Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 83), sōr/sūr “year” (NBš. sāl; Gershevitch, 1964a, passim), pōr/pūr “last year” (Pers. pār-sāl, NBš. pār, cf. SBš. pyār, NBš. pīrār “two years ago”; ibid., p. 86), yōrt “flour” (Pers. ārd, Gershevitch, 1979, p. 149), yōpes “pregnant” (< *āpuθrā, NBš. avés [ibid.], cf. Lār. aos). Initially ā commonly becomes SBš. yā/ă or ( or ), e.g., yōrt “flour,” yōpes “pregnant,” yāš or vāš “millstone” (Mīn., Horm. āš, Bal. āšš, cf. Pers. ās-īā, all from < *ārθra-; Gershevitch, ibid., and 1963, p. 15), yāhmōn “sky” (*āšmān, cf. Bal. āžmān; Gershevitch, 1964c, p. 12 n. 3), yas “fire” (< *āça- < *āθra-, cf. Bal. ās; Gershe­vitch, 1979, p. 149), yamah “we” (< ā/ămāh), wox-o (Floyer) “you have come” (< *āht-x- < *āgataka-). In both North and South Baškardi ān > ōn, e.g., NBš. ǰōn “body” (a meaning common in Iranian languages, see Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 83, 1962b, p. 82), NBš. sālōntár “the year after next” (Gershevitch, 1964a, p. 86).

OIr. i and u > Bš. e, e.g., SBš. verx, vorx “leopard” (Gershevitch, 1959, p. 215), NBš. avés, SBš. yōpes “pregnant”, SBš. drāʾen “hail” (see above). OIr. ī sometimes > e, e.g., NSBš. deh “yesterday” (Gershevitch, 1964a, p. 85, cf. Pers. dī-rūz, Bal. ). OIr. ai and au > NBš. ī and ū, and both > SBš. ī or e (Gershevitch, 1971, p. 277), e.g., NBš. espīr, SBš. espīt “white” (Gershe­vitch, p. 227), NSBš. parīr “the day before yesterday” (Gershevitch, 1964a, p. 78), NBš. rūz, SBš. res “sun; day” (Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 84 n. 1, 1964a, passim), NBš. aʾūš, SBš. omjīš (omjēšk) “theday after tomorrow” (< *-auša-; Gershevitch, 1964a, pp. 84-85 nn.), pā-xwāves “barefoot” (Av. xᵛā.aoθra- “barefoot,” Gershevitch, 1962a, pp. 83-84). Thus Bš. e can be the descendant of virtually any OIr. vowel (see also Gershevitch, 1971, p. 267: SBš. e < a/í). In North Baškardi and the (north) western dialects, ū remained or became ü/ǖ. In the dialects of Rāmešk and Gerōn, ī and ū were diphthong­ized to īe and ǖe, e.g., parīer “the day before yesterday,” perǖešon- “to sell” (Gershevitch, 1964a, passim, and 1971, p. 290 n. 46).

For OIr. note SBš. hors “bear” (Floyer hirsh, on which see Gershevitch, 1969a, p. 192) and Horm., Mīn. poläng “palang” (= Bal., see Skjærvø, p. 125).

Consonants. North and South Baškardi differ sharply in their development of intervocalic OIr. surd stops p, t. In South Baškardi intervocalic p and t remain, while in North Baškardi they become v/w and r, respectively, e.g., SBš. yāp, NBš. yā/ău “water” (Kumz. hāw), SBš. p- “to come” (< *upa-i-), NBš. nauk,Horm., Min. uk “grand­son” (< *napaka-; Gershevitch, 1973, p. 83), SBš. katam (Floyer), NBš. karōn “which” (cf. Kumz. kāram), SBš. espīt,NBš. espīr “white” (Kumz. spīr), Horm., Mīn. domār “bridegroom, dāmād.”

In the western dialects and North Baškardi intervo­calic d (t) is sometimes found instead or r, probably influenced by Persian, e.g., Horm. dād “gave” (cf. Kumz. dar), Horm. zed “struck” (cf. Kumz. zurd, but NBš. zar, Gershevitch, 1977, p. 65), but also NBš. būd, būt (Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 83, 1977, p. 64; cf. Kumz. bur “he was,” burxat “he had been” = Bal. būtagat).

Before i or y, t is palatalized in South Baškardi, e.g., oréhṇč “three days hence,” mōš “man” (< *martiya, Morgenstierne).

The development of intervocalic k varies consider­ably. One outcome of OIr. intervocalic k is NSBš. x, e.g., SBš. verx, vorx “leopard,” jax “sissoo” (NBš. jag), sax “stone,” rax “vein,” doxūrt “scissors” (Gershevitch, 1957, p. 318), Horm. grīx “weeping” (Pers. gerya), and in the aka-participle: wox-o “you have come” (Floyer). Final -γ is found in Horm., Mīn. tāzeγ “yogurt,” gännūγ “mad.” Note also the development of unaccented -aka suffixes > -k/g in NBš. nauk, sāg (Gershevitch, 1972, p. 125), Horm., Mīn. uk “grandson,” Mīn. gowg “daughter-in-­law, ʿarūs” (cf. Lār. baü, bei), Horm., Mīn. gwäsk “calf,” mošk “mouse” (cf. Lār. mošk), türg “jackal.”

The OIr. spirants show some peculiar developments. Thus OIr. f > SBš. (Pīzgi) hv, e.g., vahv- “to weave” and the place names (Kūh-e) Āhven (Floyer, pp. 183, 194: Aphen) and Garāhven (J. V. Harrison, Geographical Journal, 1941, p. 5: Garifin; possibly related to Av. āfant-, see Gershevitch, 1967a, pp. 322f.); fr- > pr- in Rāmeški perǖešōn- “to sell” (< *frōš-ān-, cf. Kumz. fōšin-); OIr. ft > NBš. wt, SBš. pt, e.g., SBš. rapt, NBš. ut “went,” SBš. haptōr, NBš. utar (beside kaftarg)“hyena” (Gershevitch, 1971, p. 287). OIr. xt > NBš. ht and t,but SBš. *kt,e.g., Horm., Mīn. do, NBš. doh(t),SBš. dek (cf. Kumz. ditk).Note secondary *xt > ht in NBš. yaht-“came” (< *āxta < *āgata-). OIr. xw is preserved, e.g., Horm., Mīn. xwāh “sister”, SBš. pā-­xwāves “barefoot.” Initial x has become k in the word for “cock”: Horm., Mīn. korǖs, Floyer kirus (Bal. kurōs, Ḵūri kerūs).

The affricate č becomes s in South Baškardi, e.g., res “sun; day.” Note also > nz in berenz “rice” (Gershevitch, 1959, p. 223), Bš. renz <*ranǰ < Ar. rajm (ibid.), Mīn. temzon- “to stretch” (Gershevitch, 1971, p. 290). It is lost in final position in SBš. a,NBš. ei “from” (< *hača).Final consonants have also been lost in ka “somebody,” NBš. pa (SBš. pas)“after,” “before” (SBš. pes < *paθya, cf.OPers. pašiya; Gershevitch, 1970b, p. 84 n. 6).

OIr. initial w remains as v in South Baškardi but becomes g(w) in North Baškardi (as in Baluchi), e.g., NBš. gwav-, SBš. vahv- “to weave,” Mīn. gowg “daughter-in-law,” gwäk “frog,” Horm., Mīn. gwäsk “calf,” SBš. vask, Mīn. uz “bee, wasp, zanbūr”(Bal. gwabz, Lori bawz, see Skjærvø, p. 123), SBš. vīz, NBš. gwaron “ram” (Gershevitch, 1977, p. 64), SBš. vark “lamb” (Gershevitch, 1962a, p. 78 n. 2), NBš. gīn- “to see” (Floyer), SBš. verx, vorx “leopard, palang.”

OIr. rd becomes SBš. r (Gershevitch, 1964c, p. 26), e.g., sōr “year,” der “heart,” while rt remains, e.g., sūrt “cold,” yōrt “flour.” To OPers., etc., rs corresponds Bš. rh in tehr- “to fear” (Gershevitch, 1964c, p. 12 n. 1).

OIr. šm becomes Baškardi (h)m (čehm,cf. Kumz. čom, Bal. čamm), yāhmōn “sky” (cf. Bal. āžmān, Gersh­evitch, 1964c, p. 12 n. 3).

Morphology. Very little of the morphology of Baš­kardi is known. See Skjærvø, pp. 116-19, for some points of Mīnābi and Hormozi morphology and Ger­shevitch, 1970a and 1987 for the verb. The plural ending -on is seen in NSBš. laharon “huts,” Rdb. pāʾon “feet,” -ūn in the NBš. pronoun āʾūn “they, those.” Morgenstierne mentioned the SBš. “indefinite” article -o, which, if correct, may be from *ēw.

Pronouns. Independent personal pronouns and demonstrative pronouns include NBš. mon “I,” yamah “we,” ā “he, that,” āʾūn “they, those”; SBš. men “I,” hamī “this”; Mīn. ī “this.” The enclitic pronouns used as possessive pronouns and as agent are NBš. -(o)m, -(e)t, -i/-e/-h-, -mōn/-mūn, -tōn/-tūn, -šōn/-šūn,SBš. sing. = NBš., plur.: -an, -(o)x, -(e)š; note also Mīn. me-m (to-d, o-y, mā-mo, šomā-ed, īšōn-šo) goft “I (etc.) said.”

Verbal system. From the published material it is seen that the Baškardi dialects have a general present/future tense and a continuous present formed from the past stem (more precisely, the infinitive) as in Lārestāni and Tati dialects (see azerbaijan viii). The present prefix for both present tenses is NBš. ä- (Horm. in the continuous present also -). South Baškardi has a- ­(which together with an initial a- produces ā- or ei-) in the present/future tense but be- inthe continuous present tense, e.g., NBš. a-kerden-om (Horm. čāy näxwardeni “he is drinking tea”), SBš. be-kerten-īn. The negative na- merges with a- to produce - in Mīn. (nāxwarī, nākešom), cf. Floyer nāgīnan “I do not see.” The subjunctive has be-,but in South Baškardi also e-.

The perfect tense is formed in South Baškardi by -x- ­to the past stem (< *-ak, cf. Kumz. -x-, Bal. -k-),in North Baškardi by -eh-to the past stem (3rd sing. -i). In the pluperfect SBš. -at-, NBš. -ar- is added to the perfect stem (cf. Kumz. and Bal. -at-: Kumz. burxat “he had been,” Bal. ništat = Pers. nešasta būd); note also Min. hästäre “he was” (Bal. hastat).

Personal endings: NBš. sing, -om, -i, -e/-et(i); plur. Horm., Mīn. -im, -i, -en; NBš. -īn, -ī(d), -end(i), SBš. -īn, -e, -et, -om, -āht, -e(h)n.The construction of the past tenses of transitive verbs is of the ergative type. The endings of the past tenses are identical with the enclitic forms of “to be” (see below). (On the agential pronouns see above.)

The only relatively well known forms are the general present tense forms of verbs, especially the “shortened” 3rd sing. forms, to which Gershevitch devoted an entire article. The following list of verbal forms is based on Gershevitch, 1970a and 1987, and Skjærvø.

“To be”; present NBš. -om,-ī/ĭ,-o,-īn/-īm, -ī, -en/-end(i); SBš. -īn,-o/-ū, ø, -om/-ām, -ah(t),-e(h)n; Mīn. Horm. om,-i,-ä/-e(n)/-i,3rd plur. -en,-n; 3rd sing. “there is”; preterite 3rd sing. hästäre (with the SBš. form -ō cf. Pahlavi Psalter HWEw/hö/?)—b-, bah-“to become” (1st­-3rd sing. present): NBš. abahom, abahai (or abom, abi), abū(t); Rdb. abaham, abahei, abi; SBš. abīn, abe, abī; 3rd sing. subj. NBš. bobū; imperative NBš. bā/ă; preterite 1st sing. Horm. būdom,3rd sing, NBš. būd, būt.—bar-“to carry”: Mīn. Ber. abát, SBš. abū, abū-h-e “he carries it.”—bast- “to bind”: preterite NBš. bast-, SBš. bāst-; perfect NBš. basteh-,SBš. bāx-; pluperf. NBš. bastar-, SBš. bāxat-.—čin-“to collect”: present SBš. 3rd sing. ačī.—de(y)-, SBš. adeh- “to give”: present B.-A. adam (Horm. ädäm), adey, adeyt; SBš. (a + a- > ā-, ei-) ādehīn, ādehe (ādī, eidī), ādī, preterite NBš. dā(r)-; Horm. -om dād (cf. Kumz. dar-iš “he gave”).—derūst- “to say”: SBš. preterite.—*dōn- “to know”: possibly in Mīn. ädont-a “he is wise” (cf. Bal. nazānt “ignorant”, etc., see Skjærvø, p. 121).—go- “to say”: present NBš. agom, 3rd sing. agū; Mīn. ägäm, 3rd sing. äge, 1st plur. ägem; imperative NBš. bógo; continuous present Mīn. ägofteno, i, -e; preterite Horm. me-om go, Mīn. me-m goft, to-d goft, o­-y goft, mā-mo goft, šomā-ed goft, īšōn-šo goft.—ger- “to take”: present Horm. ägerom, Min. 3rd sing. agent; preterite Horm. me-om ge.—geryaw- “to weep”: Rdb. imperative bégeryew, preterite geryéut (Gershevitch, 1970a, p. 174 n. 34).—gīn- “to see”: present 1st sing. Floyer (NBš.) nāgīnan; preterite NBš. dīst-, SBš. dīt-; perf. NBš. dīsteh-, SBš. dīx- hāx- “to leave”: pluperfect SBš. hāxat-.—ǰ-, ǰü- “to eat”: present SBš. aǰōn(ajōʾn, aǰǖn)ajǖ, aǰǖt (ajǖ-h-an “he will eat us”), ajom, ajāht, ajehn; perfect SBš. jǖx-.—kan- “to do”: present 1 sing. Horm. äkonom, 3rd sing. NBš. akant, Mīn. äkon, B.-A. (present stem kon-) and Ber. (present stem kar-) 3rd sing. akot, SBš. akī; 3rd sing. subj. Mīn. bokond; continuous present NBš. akerdénom, SBš. bekért(en)īn (Morgenstierne, 1958, p. 178n. “be-kert-(en-)om” is wrong); preterite NBš. kerd-, SBš. kert-; perfect NBš. kerdeh-, SBš. kex-; pluperfect NBš. kerda(r), SBš. kexat, Mīn. preterite -om ke, nä-m kerden, -i ke.—kaš- “to pull, smoke”: present 1st sing. nākešom; pluperfect NBš. kašidar-.—mer “to die”: present 3rd sing. Mīn. amet.—nen- “to sit”: present 1st sing. Horm. anīnom, 3rd sing. NBš. anent, SBš. anī, imperative Horm. beniŋ,Mīn. benin; preterite Horm. néštom “I sat down”; pluperf. Mīn. néštare “he was sitting”.—SBš. p- “to come”: present 1st sing. apīn, 3rd sing. apī; perfect 2nd sing. woxo (Floyer, cf. Bal. ātk-).—NBš. ra-, re-, SBš. r-, ra(y)-, rav- “to go”: present NBš. arrám, arréʾi, arrū(t), arreʾīˊn, arreyīˊ, arrán; N(?)Bš. 2nd sing. arāi (Floyer), 3rd. sing. arrō, arrū; imperative NBš. berra,N(?)Bš. rra (Floyer); preterite Horm., Mīn. röwt-om, -i, -(en), -im, -i, -en.—räst- “to send”: Horm. present ärästom; pret­erite om rästā.—NBš. ron- “to cover”(a ewe): 3 sing. ar­roneti; cont. present arondéni; preterite rond-i.—ss- “to take”: present Horm. ässäm.—škan- “to break”: present NBš. 3rd sing. aškant.tün- “can”: Mīn. continuous past tense (?) 3rd sing. nö-y-ätünästä “he could not”.—ūst- “to stand”: present Horm. ūstom.—verest- “to rise”: imperative Mīn. verest; preterite Horm. vərostādom.—­xow- “to sleep”: subjunctive Mīn. 3rd sing. boxovet; Horm. imperative boxow, preterite 1st sing. xöwtom.—­xwar- SBš. “to drink”, Mīn. “to eat”: 1st sing. Mīn. äxwarəm, 3rd sing. Mīn. Ber. axwát, SBš. axō, Mīn. 2 plur. negative nāˊxwarī; cont. present Horm. äxwar­denom, 3rd sing. näxwardeni “he is drinking”; preter­ite NBš. xward-, SBš. xūrt-, Horm. -om xwä, -et xwä; perfect NBš. xwardeh-, SBš. xūx-.—-¦ “to come”: NBš. ayāóm, ayā(t); Horm. ätom; imperative Mīn. bódo (Floyer budu); preterite NBš. yaht- (Gershevitch, 1979, p. 149); Horm., Mīn. (hō)nd- (cf. Lār. hōnda).—zan- “to strike”: present Horm. äzänom, 3rd sing. NBš. azan(t), Horm. äzän, B.-A. azot, Ber. present stem zar-, 3rd sing. azāt, Mīn. azant, SBš. azī; continuous present Mīn. äzädenom, 3rd sing. -e; imperative B.-A., Ber, bezo; preterite Horm. -om zed, NBš. zar-.—Rdb. zay- “to bear” (a child): 3rd sing. azey.—“Must” is Mīn. mʾävā, tʾävā, Horm. om-tōa, all with the subjunctive.

Particles. Noteworthy forms of prepositions are e (ei)“from,” “to” (Mīn. vā-xöw “to sleep,” to-vā “to you”).

Lexicon.Gershevitch, 1959, contains a number of vocables pertaining to material culture: pīš “dwarf palm,” verx, vorx “leopard,” jag “sissoo” (p. 215); šahr, designation for the cultivated oasis; lahar, the so-called beehive hut (p. 217); tǖp, “round and domed permanent hut”; kavār, “flat-roofed kiosks consisting of a square wooden frame which is covered, lightly at the sides, with pīsh branches” (p. 218); kapar, a similar structure found in Bandar-e ʿAbbās; ādūr-band or xār-xāna, “a large tumulus-shaped heap of camel-thorn (ādūr)” used for air-conditioning purposes; kat, small, square chambers for storing dates; balūč-kāra “freemen” (p. 219); balūč “shepherd”; renz, stone heaps placed on mountain passes (pp. 222-23); berenz “rice.”

Gershevitch, 1964a, contains an exhaustive list of temporal adverbs in the Baškardi dialects (Mīn. forms from Skjærvø):

“Today”: SBš. homre(s); NBš. omrūz; Mīn. hōruz, ämruz.

“Yesterday”: SBš. deh; NBš. deh, dūš; Mīn. dǖš.

“The day before y.”: SBš. parīr; NBš. parīr.

“Three days ago”: SBš. pes-parīr; NBš. pīš-parīr, pas-parīr, Mīn. päš-p., Rām. pašta-parīer, pīešter-parīer.

“Four days ago”: SBš. pestom-parīr; NBš. pīštom-parīr.

“Tomorrow”: SBš. beribǖn, borbūm; NBš. bandī; Min. sabā.

“Day after tomorrow”: SBš: omǰīš, omǰešk; NBš. aʾūš; Mīn. pässabā.

“Three days hence”: SBš. orehṇč; NBš. paraūš.

“Four days hence”: SBš. pas-o., pašter-o., pašter-o.; NBš. pīštom-p., pas-p., pašteri, parter.

“This year”: SBš. homsār; NBš. homsāl; Mīn. hõsāl.

“Last year”: SBš. pōr, pūr; NBš. pār.

“Two years ago”: SBš. pyār; NBš. pīrār.

“Three years ago”: SBš. pes-pyār; NBš. pī/ĭs-pīrār, pas-pīrārsāl; Mīn. päš-p.

“Four years ago”: NBš. pīštom-pīrār, pašta-p.

“Next year”: SBš. sōr-de, sōr-nau, navinsōr; NBš. sāl-e degar.

“Two years hence”: SBš. oddāʾisōr, nauterin-sōr; NBš. sālōntar.

Note also Mīn. hõšü and ämšü “tonight”, düšü “last night”.


Floyer: man hīč nāgīnan “I see nothing” [note that the NBš. 1st sing. in Gershevitch’s material is -om], ba-dil-i Anguhran arāi “are you going to Angohran?” bu-du ba­dil “come inside!”, katam mail woxo “where have you come from?”, rra lahar “go home!”, rra ī mall “come here!”.

Gershevitch, 1962a: NBš. sar-om/et ei-dar-i (būd) “I am/you are (was/were) bareheaded,” ā sar-i ei-dar-e, āʾūn sar-šūn ei-dar-e “he is/they are bareheaded”; jōn-šōn ei-dar-a “they are naked”; SBš. sar a-dar-īn “I am bareheaded,” pū a-dar-om “we are barefoot”; Rdb. pāʾon-om ei-leid-en “I am barefoot.” Gershevitch, 1970a, p. 166: SBš. (Garāhven) sax ajǖ-h-an “the dog will eat us.” Gershevitch, 1977: NBš. (Darpahn) gwaron sovār abūt arronéti tā aves bobū “the ram mounts; he covers (the ewe) so that she becomes pregnant,” gwaron arondeni “the rain is mounting,” sovār būt rōnd-i “he mounted, he covered.” Gershevitch, 1987: NBš. mon-et dīst-om, SBš. men-et dīt-īn “you saw me”; NBš. lahar (-e) to-m dīst, lahar-et dīst-om, lahar-om dīst-i “I saw your hut,” laharon-mōn dīsteh-en, SBš. laharon-an dīx-en “we have seen the huts”; NBš. čāhī-šōn xwardi, SBš. čāhīy-eš xūx “they have drunk tea”; NBš. čāhī-šōnxwardeh-en “you have drunk their tea”; agar čelim-šōn kašidar-īm “if they had smoked our waterpipe”; javāb-šōn dār(-īn) “they answered him (us)”; kīmat gā-om dārih-i “I have given you the price of the cow”; SBš. šehm-eš peim kert-om “they prepared our supper”, sad-o-panjāh dōn pah-eš jǖx-om “they have eaten 150 goats of ours”; yamah derūst-ehn-an ke “we told them”; hamīverx avādīy-e na-hāxat-om “this leopard had not left us livestock”.

Skjærvø: Mīn. bodo kār-om hä “come! I want to talk to you” (lit. “come! I have business”), gäb-e mīnābī äzädene “he speaks Mīnābī,” čāi äxwardenəm “I am drinking tea,” šomā čāi nāxwarī “don’t you drink tea?”, bäle äxwarəm “yes I do,” röwten boxovet “he went to sleep,” köwtäm pā­-m därd-i ke “I fell; my foot hurt,” mā čīz-i nä m-kerden “I did not do anything.” Horm. dūš čāi-om/et xwä “yester­day I/you drank tea,” čāi näxwardeni “he is drinking tea,” mä dǖš kār-om ke “yesterday I worked”.


Bibliography: (Words not mentioned in the text are quoted below.)

R. A. Floyer, Unexplored Balūch­istan, London, 1882 (jade “homestead,” hirsh “bear,” lahar “hut,” xum, rum “date”).

I. Gershevitch, “Sissoo at Susa,” BSOAS 19, 1957, pp. 317-20; review of M. J. Dresden, The Jātakastava or Praise of the Buddha’s Former Births,” in Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1958, pp. 262-63 (NBš. kūč, kuht “to dig,” p. 263a); “Travels in Bashkardia,” Royal Central Asiatic Society Journal 46, 1959, pp. 213-24; “Outdoor Terms in Iranian,” in W. B. Henning and E. Yarsha­ter, eds., A Locust’s Leg. Studies in Honour of S. H. Taqizadeh, London, 1962a, pp. 76-84 (Bš. xāk, “zamīn”; SBš. vark “lamb,” NBš. nox. nǖög, Rdb. nawök “hollowed-out tree-trunks used for irrigation purposes,” Bš. [ < Bal.) gīdā(h), gīda “grass,” SBš. dōr “udder,” NBš. pā-eidari “barefoot,” ǰōn-eidari “naked,” Bš. lard, Rūdb. leid “outside”); “The Sogdian Word for "Advice", and Some Muγ Documents,” Central Asiatic Journal 7, 1962b, pp. 77-95; apud J. Elfen­bein, A Vocabulary of Marw Baluchi, Naples, 1963, pp. 15 (Bš. yaš, waš “millstone”), 30 (Bš. dehə “continually”), 31 (Bš. dulā/ăx “dust”), 74 (Bš. šan-šand “to strike”); “Iranian Chronological Adverbs,” in G. Redard, ed., Indo-Iranica. Mélanges présentés à Georg Morgenstierne, Wiesbaden, 1964a, pp. 78-88 (on the time words see above; NBš. péšte “earlier, before,” p. 78; paster “later,” NBš. de, SBš. de, dī/ĭ “also”; SBš. daγā “dīgar”, p. 86 nn. 28, 30); “Etymological Notes on Persian mih, naxčīr, bēgāne, and bīmār,” in Dr. J. M. Unvala Memorial Volume, Bombay, 1964b, pp. 89-94 (Bš. šekāl “mountain sheep,” p. 91); “Dialect Variation in Early Persian,” TPS, 1964c [1965], pp. 1-29 (gohort “big,” Bš. gozer “big,” p. 12 nn. 1-4; SBš. mīšekāl/r “archer,” B.-A. melāl, Rdb. NBš. menāl “eyelash,” p. 26, nn. 1-2); The Avestan Hymn to Mithra, Cambridge, 1967a; apud M. Schwartz, Studies in the Texts of the Sogdian Christians, Ph.D. dissertation, Berkeley, 1967b (N[?] Bš. mard, bāmard, bādoxt, p. 28; xwan zan- “to weep” [of children], p. 251); apud R. E. Emmerick, Saka Grammatical Studies, Oxford, 1968, p. 103 (Bš. šen “to separate, tear asunder”); “Amber at Persepolis,” in Studia Classica et Orientalia Antonino Pagliaro Oblata, Rome, 1969a, II, pp. 167-251; “Iranian Nouns and Names in Elamite Garb,” TPS, 1969b [1970], pp. 165-200 (NBš. sōsk, sūsk small partridge “tīhū,” p. 182); “The Crushing of the Third Singular Present,” in M. Boyce and I. Gershevitch, eds., W. B. Henning Memorial Volume, London, 1970a, pp. 161-74; “Island Bay and the Lion,” BSOAS 33, 1970b, pp. 82-91; review of D. N. MacKenzie, The “Sūtra of the Causes and Effects of Actions” in Sogdian, Indogermanische For­schungen 75, 1970c, pp. 303-06 (kūč “to dig”); “Iranian Words Containing -ā/ăn-,” in C. E. Bosworth, ed., Iran and Islam, in Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky, Edinburgh, 1971, pp. 267-91 (SBš. šen “kid”; SBš. nav-insōr “next year,” p. 274; SBš. šōn kan ­“to send”); “Notes on the Toponyms Āsh and Nisā,” Iran 10, 1972, pp. 124-25; “Genealogical Descent in Iranian,” Bulletin of the Iranian Culture Foundation 1/2,1973, pp. 71-86 (Bš. narauk, Rām. varrauk “great-­grandson,” p. 73; Bš. kar(r)anauk “great-great­grandson”); apud G. Morgenstierne, Etymological Vocabulary of the Shughni Group, Wiesbaden, 1974 (Bš. dǖn “two”, p. 30b is wrong; do dǖn is “two” plus the numerative dǖn, Mīn. don, Bal. dān, Pers. dāna); “Višāpa,” in Voprosy iranskoĭ i obshcheĭ filologii, Tiflis, 1977, pp. 62-69 (NBš. [Darpahn] šāft “to cover” (a ewe by the ram), NBš. ārā/ăn-/ārand, ārā/ăr, SBš. [Pārmōnt] yīran-/irānt, yīrānst “to comb,” pp. 64-65); “The Alloglottography of Old Persian,” TPS, 1979, pp. 114-90; Philologia Iranica, ed., N. Sims-Williams, Wiesbaden, 1985; “A Bahuvrīhic Past-Tense Con­struction,” Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure 41 (Cahier dédié à Georges Redard), 1987, pp. 75-86 (šehm “sup­per,” peim “ready,” dōn numerative, pah “goat,” avādī “livestock”). G. Morgenstierne, “Balochi Miscel­lanea,” AO 5,1948, pp. 253-92. Idem, “Neu-iranische Sprachen,” in HO I, IV, 1, pp. 155-178. (A few words are quoted from Morgenstierne’s lectures.) S. Ḥ. Rażawī, “Lahja-ye maḥallī-e Bandar-e ʿAbbās (moqaddama),” Awwalīn našrīya-ye farhang-e ḥawza-ye banāder wa jazāyer-e Baḥr-e ʿOman wa Ḵalīj-e Fārs, n.d., pp. 59-62 (contains verbal paradigms, all of which agree with forms given by Gershevitch, esp. 1970a, and Skjærvø [note “to give”: adem, adey, adeyt, adeym, adeyn, adan]; a vocabulary of 17 words contains the following words not in Skjærvø: pos “small boy,” moḡ “date tree,” konūk “hole,” kondorūk “turpentine” [Pers. saqqez], estāla “star” [with r > l as in Lārestāni]; for “frog” and “eyebrow” Rażawī has gak and borm [Skjærvø gwäk and borg]). P. O. Skjærvø, “Notes on the Dialects of Minab and Hormoz,” Norwegian Journal of Linguistics (NTS) 29, 1975, pp. 113-28. Idem, “Languages of South-East Iran: Lārestānī, Kumzārī, Baškardi,” in R. Schmitt, ed., Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, Wiesbaden, forthcoming.

(P. O. Skjærvø)

(P. O. Skjærvø)

Originally Published: December 15, 1988

Last Updated: December 15, 1988

This article is available in print.
Vol. III, Fasc. 8, pp. 846-850