POLAND
iii. Iranian Studies in Poland
The development of Iranian studies in Poland was preceded by some nonscholarly interest in Persian language and culture. For almost three centuries (15th-18th cent.) Ottoman Turkey was the neighbor and common foe of both Poland and Persia; hence Poland’s interest in Persia was mainly of political nature. Trade and Catholic missions were the other fields of Polish-Persian contacts. The interestinOriental dress, weaponry, carpets, etc. was, to some extent, connected with the belief in the Sarmatian (a historical northern Iranian tribe; see ASII, ALANS) origins of Polish gentry (Ulewicz). Polish kings and aristocrats purchased, and even ordered in Persian workshops, carpets and other products of artistic crafts. The dragomans, diplomats, and middlemen involved in diplomatic and commercial contacts with Persia were frequently recruited from among the inhabitants of Poland’s eastern borderlands, in particular the Armenians and other Oriental minorities settled in Poland.
The language of their communication with Persian partners was Turkish, although usually they had some command of Persian as well (see a report by Muratowicz, king Zygmunt [Sigismund] III’s envoy to Shah ʿAbbās I towards 1601, with instruction to order carpets for the king: Muratowicz, 1980; Zajączkowski, 1966, pp. 22-25; Mańkowski, 1977, pp. 2433-35). In the 16th and early 17th centuries the profession of dragoman was hereditary in a number of Polish and Armenian families, but, starting around the mid-17th century, foreigners (Italians, Frenchmen) were employed in this capacity. Towards 1647 François à Mesgnien, called Franciszek Meniński in Polish, settled in Poland and served King Jan Kazimierz (r. 1648-68) ashis translator of oriental languages and as his envoy to the Sublime Porte in the years 1653-60. His lexicon of Oriental languages (Thesaurus linguarum orientalium) was used in Poland as the main dictionary of Oriental languages for several generations. Meniński also contrived a project for the establishment of a Polish school of Oriental languages, whichwas not implemented in his lifetime (Reychman, 1936; Baranowski, 1949; idem, 1950, pp. 112-15).
Early Polish knowledge of the Iranian past basically came from Latin sources, as seen, for instance, in the references to Zoroaster in Mikołaj Rej’s didactic work, An Image of a Decent Man’s Life (1558; Rej, 1971; cf. Majewska, 1988, pp. 313-14; Figure 1). The earliest known translation of Persian literature into Polish is Samuel Otwinowski’s translation of Saʿdi’s Golestān from the beginning of the 17th century, apparently done through a Turkish rendering; it was published in 1879 (cf. Baranowski, 1950, pp. 80-107).
From the mid-17th century until the fall of the Safavid dynasty in 1135/1722,Polish Catholic missionaries (mainly Jesuits) were active in Persia, as both propagators of faith and diplomats (see Pucko; Zajączkowski, 1966, pp. 26-30). Yet, information on this country supplied by the monks to Polish readers was quite modest. Father Michał Wieczorkowski, who visited Persia in the years 1715-20, left information on Polish missions in the Safavid state (Wieczorkowski’s letters in Sygański, pp. 10-14; Kowalski, 1936, pp. 3-4). Valuable works by Father Tadeusz Juda Krusińki (1675-1757), who spent nearly twenty years at the Safavid court and survived the Afghan siege of Isfahan in 1722, were written in Latin and translated into a number of European languages, but never into Polish. A small treatise on drinking coffee(Krusiński, 1769), written in Polish, was an exception.
A school of Oriental languages, established in Istanbul under the auspices of Poland’s last king, Stanisław August Poniatowski (r. 1764-95), to meet the needs of diplomacy and trade, functioned in the years 1766-95. Its curriculum provided training in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian languages and literatures, script and style of Oriental diplomatic documents, and related matters. Due to lack of funds, the school never enrolled more than three or four students at one time and finally collapsed with the loss of Poland’s independence (Smoleński; A. Zajączkowski, 1966, p. 34).
At the turn of the 18th-19th centuries, aristocratic families (e.g., the Czartoryski, Poniatowski, Potocki, Tarnowski, and Zomoyski families)started collecting Oriental art objects and manuscripts; one of the most notable among them was the collection belonging to the Czartoryski family (see POLAND ii. PERSIAN ART ...). Prince Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski (1734-1823), collected Oriental manuscripts; he had some reading proficiency in Persian and, according to Jan Reychman, translated into Polish a passage from ʿAbd-Allāh Hātefi’s Leyli wa Majnun, quoted by JulianNiemcewicz in his collected works (Niemcewicz, p. 336; Reychman, 1966, pp. 79-102). Czartoryski corresponded about Persian poetry with Count Carl Emmerich de Reviczki (1739-93), a Hungarian amateur orientalist, whose Latin translation provided the source through which Polish educated public became first acquainted with the poems of Ḥāfeẓ. Czartoryski’s other pen mates were two well-known scholars of Oriental studies, Joseph von Hammer Purgstall (1774-1856) and William Jones (1746-94). Another European diplomat who played a role in generating interests in Persian poetry among Polish elites was Pierre Amédée Jaubert (1779-1847), Napoleon’s envoy to Persia and future professor of Persian literature in the Collège de France, who visited Warsaw in 1806 (on his way to Finkenstein, where the Treaty of Frankenstein was signed; for this treaty, see FRANCE iii. RELATIONS WITH PERSIA 1789-1918) and again in 1818 (Reychman, 1964, pp. 74-79, 206-15; idem, 1966, pp. 102-4).
Bishop Ignacy Krasicki (1735-1801), one of the most prominent Polish authors of the Enlightenment period, in his lexicon (Krasicki, 1781), devotes about 130 brief entries to Oriental subjects, including topics such as “Arimanius,” “Avicenna,” “Hafiz,” “Kabulistan,” “Khorazan” (Khorasan), “Kurdowie” (Kurds), “Oromazis,” “Zenda Westa” (Zand Avesta),and “Zoroaster.” His book on poetry includes six short notes on Persian poets, namely, Ferdowsi, Asadi Ṭusi, Saʿdi, Suzani Samarqandi, Kātebi Toršizi, and Ḥāfeẓ (Krasicki, 1874, pp. 315-16). Some motifs of Krasicki’s parables, the sourcesof which he does not provide, clearly originate from Persian literature, mainly from Ferdowsi’s Šāh-nāma and Saʿdi’s Golestān (cf. ŠĀH-NĀMATRANSLATIONS xiii. INTO POLISH; Reychman, 1964, pp. 205-6).
The partition of Poland between its three neighbors (Russia, Prussia, and Austria) towards the end of the 18th century (in consecutive stages: 1772, 1793, 1795) deprivedthe country of its statehood until 1918. The lack of political independence significantly limited the development of learning and its institutions in Poland, especially after the failed anti-Russian uprising of 1830-31, although the limits of cultural autonomy in each of Poland’s three parts and in various periods were different.
The chair of Oriental languages, established inJagiellonian University of Krakow in 1818, was offered to Prof. Wilhelm Münnich (d. 1829) from Göttingen. Münnich was proficient in several Oriental languages and taught Hebrew, Syriac, Aramaic, Arabic, Turkish, and Persian. His lecture on classical Persian poetry, delivered in Latin and published in 1825 in the proceedings of the Scientific Society attached to the University (Münnich, 1825), was the first substantial text on Persian literature published in Poland. In 1826 Münnich moved to Wilno (Vilnius; then under Russian control, at present the capital of Lithuania), which gave him better working conditions. Shortly after, the chair of Oriental languages at Jagiellonian University was liquidated due to lack of funds (Michalewska, pp. 108-14).
At that time Wilno was Poland’s most lively intellectual and academic center, rather enjoying a cultural autonomy. Interest in Oriental poetry, religions, and philosophy, including Iranian subjects, was an important part of the intellectual program of the Polish Romantic movement, which flourished there at the beginning of the 19th century. Due to such scholars as historians Joachim Lelewel (1786-1861) and Gotfryd Groddeck (1749-1825) and philologists Michał Bobrowski (1784-1848) and Józef Sękowski (1800-58), Oriental studies, which derived from ancient history on the one hand and from Biblical studies on the other, were about to develop in Wilno University in the third decade of the 19th century. Bobrowski completed his studies in Vienna and in Paris, where his teachers included the linguist and orientalist A. I. Sylvestre de Sacy (1758-1838). Sękowski was sent on a scholarship to Turkey and Egypt in order to learn modern Oriental languages and to develop a plan for their teaching in Wilno. On his return to Europe in 1822, Sękowski chose the chair of Oriental languages at St. Petersburg University, which he held for the next twenty-five years (Reychman, 1957, pp. 76-80; Słabczyński, p. 60), but his early works were printed in Wilno (Sękowski, 1820a; idem, 1820b).
In 1832 Tzarist authorities closed Wilno University in retaliation to the anti-Russian uprising of November 1830. The development of Oriental studies in Poland was thus postponed for many decades, but the intellectual circle once attached to the university continued its activity in exile. In 1823 a group of Wilno students, including the prominent poet Adam Mickiewicz, were deported to the Russian interior after a students’ secret organization was discovered. For most of them the banishment was not too severe: soon they obtained permission to continue their studies at Russian universities, and some of them enrolled in Oriental departments at the universities of St. Petersburg and Kazan. Another group of former Wilno students (Aleksander Chodźko, Ludwik Spitznagel, and Ignacy Pietraszewski, among others) went voluntarily to St. Petersburg in order to learn Oriental languages. Their professors were F. B. Charmoy, Józef Sękowski, and Mirzā Jaʿfar Tupčibāši Qarājedāḡi, to whom Romantic poets, in particular Mickiewicz and Chodźko, owed “Oriental” inspiration of some of their verses (Reychman, 1957, pp. 83-85; Krasnowolska, 2003, pp. 79-81). Mirzā Jaʿfar translated one of Mickiewicz’s “Crimean” sonnets into Persian (Majewska, pp. 59-66; Dawlatšāhi).
Scholars and poets from the Wilno-St. Petersburg circle were the first translators of Persian poetry into Polish. Józef Sękowski included his prose translation of three ḡazals of Ḥāfeẓ in the article he wrote on him (Sękowski, 1820a; cf. Zajączkowski, 1957b, pp. 122-40). In 1829, the same journal published Münnich’s Latin lecture on Persian poetry in Alexander Groza’s translation, including some passages from Ḥāfeẓ and Ferdowsi. Fourteen more ofḤāfeẓ’s ḡazals were rendered in verse by Jan Nepomucen Wiernikowski (1800-77), out of which five appeared in a Wilno literary magazine Biruta (Wiernikowski, 1838), and the rest was edited in 1960 by Barbara Majewska from a manuscript (Majewska, 1960; cf. Reychman, 1957; Zajączkowski, 1957b, pp. 140-48). Ludwik Spitznagel (1807-27), a promising student of Oriental languages who committed suicide in the age of twenty, left the French translation of a passage from Neẓāmi’s Eskandar-nāma. His text, completed by François Bernard Charmoy, was published in St. Petersburg in 1829 (Reychman, 1970).
Some of the representatives of the “Romantic” generation who graduated from St. Petersburg Oriental Institute, including Aleksander Borejko Chodźko (1804-91), August Żaba (1801-94; pen name Alexander Jaba), and Ignacy Pietraszewski (1796-1869), entered Russian diplomatic service, which enabled them to travel to the East and get a direct knowledge of its languages and cultures. Since they published abroad, their works remained almost unknown in Poland. Chodźko contributed to the knowledge of Persian folk poetry and traditional theater, besides writing the outlines of Persian and Kurdish grammars. The majority of his works was in French, but a series of his travel reports from Azarbaijan and Gilan were published in Polish, in Tygodnik Petersburski, a Polish newspaper printed in St. Petersburg (1830, nos 11, 29, 33, 35; 1833, nos. 6, 10; cf Majewska, 1976, pp. 273-79). A detailed report from Chodźko’s excursion to the ruins of Alamut in May 1835 was inserted in his article on Ḥasan Ṣabbāḥ, written for Przegląd Poznański (Chodźko, 1853; cf. Krasnowolska, 2009, pp. 29-30). The style of this text seems to indicate Polish as the original language of Chodźko’s travel notes. August Żaba, Russian consul in Erzerum (1848-66) did a pioneering work in collecting Kurdish texts and folklore in Turkey (Jaba, 1860; an archive in St. Petersburg). Ignacy Pietraszewski, first employed as a Russian, then Prussian, diplomat in Turkey, Egypt, and Persia, translated the Avesta simultaneously into French, German, Polish, and Turkish (Pietraszewski, 1858), but his work, aimed at showing the alleged Avestan roots of the Polish language, was an example of Slavophilic ideology rather than of an academic scholarship.
Jan Witkiewicz (1808-39) as a teenager was arrested for participation in a secret organization at his school and sentenced to military service in the fortress of Orenburg in Kazakhstan. While he was in Central Asia, he learned several local languages and acquired such a vast knowledge of the region that his incarceration term was reduced; he was promoted to the rank of an officer and sent as Russian agent to Bukhara in the years 1835-36 and to Afghanistan through Persia in 1837. Soon after his return to St. Petersburg, he committed suicide. His reports and maps of the Bukhara Khanate were never published (Reychman, 1957, p. 90; Słabczyński, pp. 75-76, W. and T. Słabczyńscy, pp. 330-33; cf. Sykes, 1940, pp. 403-4; Dupree, pp. 371-72, 374).
Wojciech Biberstein-Kazimirski, (1808-87) is another 19th-century Polish orientalist mainly known as a critical editor and translator of Manučehri Dāmḡāni’s Divān. He was originally from Warsaw, but, after the 1830-31 uprising, he emigrated to Paris, where he published his translations of Manučehri’s poetry and the Golestān of Saʿdi (Kazimirski, 1876a; idem, 1876b; idem, 1887). Kazimirski maintained contacts with the Czartoryski and Działyński families, purchasing manuscripts for them and serving them with his expertise in Oriental matters (Reychman, 1957, pp. 91-92; Zajączkowski, 1957b, pp. 117-18, 121-22).
The few works that appeared in Poland on Persian literature in the second half of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century were all based on Western European sources. Józef Szujski’s book on non-Christian literatures and Julian Adolf Święcicki’s history of world literatures, with separate parts devoted to Persian literature, both belong to this category (Szujski, 1867, pp. 79-113; Święcicki, 1902). Also a number of second-hand translations of passages from the Šāh-nāma were published in that period. (see ŠĀH-NĀMA TRANSLATION xiii. INTO POLISH). At the turn of the 19th-20th centuries ʿOmar Ḵayyām’s quatrains, popularized in Europe by Edward Fitzgerald, were discovered by several Polish poets, who created their own versions derived from Western translations (for review of these, see Kowalski, 1935a, pp. 175-83). Tadeusz Miciński (1873-1918) translated twenty-seven ḡazals of Rumi (Miciński, 1905; idem, 1980) based on Hammer-Purgstall’s version, which he tried to verify through its Persian original (cf. Dulęba, 1979, pp. 403-32; Nowakowska, 1979, pp. 433-42). Antoni Lange included some Classical Persian and Avestan texts in his anthology of Oriental poetry (Lange, pp. 225-83), but most of its translations hadbeen done through a third language.
When Poland regained its independence in 1918, Oriental Departments emerged at its universities. Persian language and classical Persian literature were incorporated, as a rule, in the curricula of tri-lingual Islamic studies in which Arabic and Turkish played a leading role. Old and Middle Iranian languages and texts were taught as a part of Indo-European or Indian linguistics.
In the period between the two world wars (1918-39), Islamic studies were represented by a number of outstanding scholars who had been educated at Western European or Russian universities, such as Tadeusz Kowalski (1889-1948), who, since 1919, held the chair of Oriental Studies at Jagiellonian University in Krakow (Majkowska; Zaborski, 2007); Zygmunt Smogorzewski (1884-1931) at Jan Kazimierz University in Lwów; and Seraja Szapszał (Pers. Šāpšāl; 1873-1961), the former tutor of the Qajar heir apparent Moḥammad-ʿAli Mirzā, and since 1928 the spiritual leader (haḵan) of the Polish Karaim community and professor of Oriental languages at the School of Political Sciences in Wilno (Księga pamiątkowa; W. Zajączkowski, 1962, pp. 91-92; cf. Browne, pp. 418-20; Taqizāda, pp. 140-41; and Smirnov, p. 43, who records Szapszał’s first name and patronymic as “Sergei Markovich or Sukiya [?]”). Kowalski’s former student Ananiasz Zajączkowski (1903-70) started Oriental Studies at Warsaw University in 1932 (Reychman, 1963, pp. 227-32; Składanek 1986, pp. 91-97).
Stefan Stasiak (1884-1962), Andrzej Gawroński (1885-1927), and Jerzy Kuryłowicz (1895-1978) in Lwów, and Helena Willman-Grabowska (1870-1957), from 1927 professor of Sanskrit in Krakow, were the scholars for whom Iranian languages formed a part of their Indo-European or Indian field of research. Stanisław Schayer (1899-1941) in Warsaw specialized mainly in Indian philosophy and religion.
Few academic works on Persian literature were created during that period. Notable among them is Gawroński’s translation of ʿOmar Ḵayyām’s quatrains (robāʿi), for the first time in Poland from the Persian original, with the translator’s introduction (see Nikitine’s review, 1935); Kowalski’s study on Ḵayyām (Kowalski, 1935a, pp. 123-83); and Machalski’s short article on plural forms in Nāṣer-e Ḵosrow’s Safar-nāma(Machalski, 1938, pp. 123-28). Szapszał’s list of Persian documents in the Warsaw archive and his book of Azeri folksongs collected in Iran (see Szapszał, 1933 and 1935) are also worth noticing. Stanisław Schayer, in his book on the religions of the East (1938), devoted a chapter (pp. 223-306) to Iran, treating Zoroastrianism, Mithraism, and Manicheism. This was probably the most substantial piece of information about Iranian religions available to Polish readers prior to World War II. Helena Willman-Grabowska (1934) and Indologist Jean Przyłuski (1934) wrote articles comparing Old Indian and Iranian beliefs.
Iranian linguistic was relatively better developed (e.g.,Kuryłowicz, 1927, 1929, 1934; Willman-Grabowska, 1919-24). Jan Rozwadowski (1867-1935), mainly known from his works in the field of Slavic studies, published some works on Slavo-Iranian linguistic interrelations, thus opening a discussion that was continued in the later 20th century (Rozwadowski, 1914-15; Kowalski, 1935b). Aleksander Freiman of Leningrad (former St. Petersburg) University published a number of articles on Eastern Iranian languages in Rocznik Orientalistyczny (Freiman, 1919-24a; 1919-24b). Other scholars with foreign affiliations, members of the Polish Oriental Society (e.g., Polskie Towarzystwo Orientalistyczne, since 1922), who contributed to Rocznik Orientalistyczny, were Basile Nikitine (1885-1960; see Machalski 1961), who specialized in Kurdish matters, and Przyłuski, both had settled in Paris.
Tadeusz Sulimirski (1898-1983), a specialist of East Iranian tribes, in particular Sarmatian, and professor at the Department of Archaeology of London University since 1958, had graduated from Lwów University, where he also had worked for three years (1933-36) and then at Jagiellonian University until 1939. Józef Wolski (1910-2008), an outstanding specialist of the Seleucid and Parthian periods, completed his studies at the Deptartment of Ancient History, Jagiellonian University, in 1932 and worked there till his retirement in 1980.
Several exhibitions of Persian art from private and public collections (Lwów, 1928, Krakow, 1934, Warsaw, 1935; see POLAND ii. PERSIAN ART AND ARTIFACTS IN POLISH COLLECTIONS) promoted research in this field. Tadeusz Mańkowski (1878-1956) is the author of a series of important works on the history of commercial and artistic contacts between Poland and Persia (Mańkowski, 1934, 1935, 1939); Seraja Szapszał wrote a study (1934), illustrated by the pictures from his own collection, on the possible influence of Polish baroque art on Shiʿite iconography of Safavid Persia.
During World War II, Polish universities were closed under Nazi occupation. While German troops invaded western and central Poland in September 1939, the Russians took over its eastern provinces and deported nearly a million of their inhabitants to Soviet camps of forced labor in Siberia and Central Asia. After the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, this ordeal ended for a part of the deportees (some 77,000 soldiers and about 45,000 civilians) with their evacuation (1942-45) from the Soviet Union through Iran. This episode had some importance for the development of Iranian studies in post-war Poland.
After the end of the war in 1945, Poland’s universities and other scientific institutions resumed their activities in new geo-political conditions: Poland became a part of the Eastern Bloc; its former eastern provinces with their strong academic centers remained within the Soviet Union, while the eastern lands of pre-war Germany were incorporated into Poland’s territory. Now Krakow and Warsaw became the main centers of Oriental studies. Professors who survived the war were partly displaced; libraries and museum collections had disintegrated. Under the communist regime, any contacts with foreign academic centers became limited. Yet, the reconstruction of Oriental studies began as soon as the war ended.
In Krakow, Tadeusz Kowalski who, together with other professors of Jagellonian University, had been arrested by German political police and imprisoned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, was released in November 1939, due to the efforts of international academic circles. He returned to Krakow in February 1940 and worked as librarian until 1945. In that period, Kowalski completed his two-volume study of the Šāh-nāma, published posthumously in 1952-53. Immediately after the war had ended, Kowalski undertook work at the university and the Academy of Sciences. Persian language and Classical literature were still a part of tri-lingual Islamic curriculum, but the establishment of Iranian studies as an independent scholarly field began to proceed steadily due to the presence of Franciszek Machalski (1904-79), who had spent the years 1942-45 with the Polish army in Iran and in 1951 started delivering lectures on Persian language and literature in Krakow. When the chair of Oriental Philology was transformed into an Institute in 1972, Machalski became head of its department of Iranian studies. Machalski was interested in modern Persian literary, cultural, and political developments (for his works, see MACHALSKI). His textbooks of Classical and Modern Persian literature were used for many years at Jagiellonian University as the students’ main Persian reading.
Willman-Grabowska lectured on Old and Middle Iranian languages within the framework of her Sanskrit studies until 1947, when the section for those studies was closed and the Department of Indo-European and General Linguistics, headed by Jerzy Kuryłowicz, was established instead. Postwar Krakow linguists specializing in Iranian languages (e.g., Wojciech Skalmowski, Andrzej Pisowicz, Barbara Mękarska) continued Kuryłowicz’s tradition. Willman-Grabowska’s former assistant, Tadeusz Pobożniak (1910-91), author of an unpublished translation of the Gathasinto Polish, taught Sanskrit and Avestan to the students of Persian studies.
One of the earliest postwar graduates from Krakow Oriental Philology was Marijan Molé (1924-63), Slovenian by origin, who submitted his doctoral dissertation on Asadi’s Garšāsp-nāma, written under the supervision of Prof. Kowalski, in 1948. He was probably the first scholar in Poland to combine successfully the Islamic and Old Iranian studies. Mention should be made also of two Polish scholars, namely Piotr (Peter) Chełkowski and Wojciech Skalmowski (1933-2008), who begun their involvement in Iranian studies in Krakow in the 1950s before migrating West. Chełkowski, now retired, was professor of Iranian studies at New York University, and Wojciech Skalmowski worked, from 1970 until his retirement in 1998, as professor of Slavic and Iranian studies at Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium.
Kraków linguists of today work on Old and Middle Iranian languages, etymology, contemporary dialects, and modern developments in Persian language (see, e.g., Pisowicz, 1985; Mękarska, 1996; Gacek, 2006; Maciuszak, 2007; Klagisz, 2012). Research on Pashto, initiated by Wojciech Skalmowski, has been continued by Jadwiga Pstrusińska (recently at Warsaw University), who is involved in Afghan studies in a broad sense (see Pstrusińska, 2004; idem, 2007), as well as Mateusz Kłagisz and Mikołaj Bolezyk. Kurdish studies are represented by Andrzej Pisowicz, whose main field of research is in Armenian language (his Sorani grammar, in cooperation with Farhang M. Moḥammad, is forthcoming), Joanna Bocheńska (Kurmanji dialect and Kurdish literature in Turkey), and Marcin Rzepka (also active in the field of Afghan studies and the problems of religious minorities in the Middle East). Józef Reczek (1936-88), a Slavist affiliated to the Department of General Linguistics and involved in Iranian issues in the years 1972-88, continued Rozwadowski’s discourse on Irano-Slavic language relations.
A person who significantly contributed to the development of studies on Persian literature in Krakow was Władysław Dulęba (1923-87), translator of Ḥāfeẓ (1973, 1979), Ferdowsi (see ŠĀH-NĀMA xiii), and other classical Persian poets from the Samanid period up to modern times (see his three-volume anthology: Dulęba, 1977, 1980, 1986a). Hepublished a series of works on the Šāh-nāma as well as a manual of classical Persian poetics (Dulęba, 1986b). Research on Persian literature, broadened to an insight into various aspectsof Persian culture, old and modern, is continued by Anna Krasnowolska (Persian epos, modern literature, folklore; see Krasnowolska, 1998), Renata Rusek-Kowalska (classical Persian literature, Sufism), and Karolina Rakowiecka-Asgari (comparative studies in ancient literatures; modern Iran). The late Marek Smurzyński (1955-2009), who received his Ph.D. in Persian literature at Tehran University, was involved in research on both classical (mainly mystical) and modern Persian literature and the history of ideas. He translated Persian literature into Polish (e.g., works of Sohrāb Sepehri, Abu Ḥafṣ Sohravardi, and most recently Rumi: Smurzyński, 2008) and Polish poetry, notably Wisława Szymborska, into Persian. Smurzyński’s ambitious project on post-modernism in Persian literature remained unfinished. Paulina Niechciał works on identity issues, in particular of Tehran Zoroastrians’ community.
For a short period after World War II (1948), a Persian journalist, Hušang Varzanda, who had studied law in Krakow, was employed as Persian native speaker at Jagellonian University. Later, until the late 1970s, because of limited political and cultural contacts between the Eastern Bloc and Iran, there were no Persian native speakers in Krakow, no scholarships for students, and almost no possibilities of traveling to Iran for the academics, which made the range of their research quite limited. Polish-Iranian relations improved only in the mid-1970s to the point that a number of academics and students could go to Iranian universities. A professor of Persian language was sent to Krakow from Iran for the first time in 1977; in Warsaw such contacts began several years earlier. The outbreak of the Islamic revolution of 1978-79 in Iran and the martial law imposed in Poland after the suppression of the Solidarity movement in 1981 interrupted this process for a decade. After the collapse of communism and the death of Ayatollah Ḵomeyni (1989), contacts became much more regular and access to Persian literature easier. Spoken Persian is taught by two native speakers: Hayedeh Vambakhsh-Smurzyńska and Soraya Musavi. Krakow Iranologists are broadening the area of their studies to various questions of Iranian culture, religion, history, and social realities, but not at the expense of the philological foundations of their discipline. A workshop of Kurdish studies has been attached to the Department since 2008.
At the Department of Ancient History of Jagiellonian University, in the post-war years Prof. Józef Wolski (1910-2008) developed the studies on ancient (most notably Hellenistic and Parthian) Iran. His continuators today are Edward Dąbrowa and Marek Olbrycht (recently at Rzeszów University).
At Warsaw University, Prof. Ananiasz Zajączkowski resumed his activity after World War II, thus continuing the tradition of Persian being an auxiliary language for Turkish studies. He translated with commentary a selection of Ḥāfeẓ’s ḡazals (1957) and published (1952 and 1953) a number of works on Avicenna. Zajączkowski attended the conference on Avicenna’s jubilee in Tehran in 1954 as Poland’s only representative (see Pers. text of his lecture: Zajączkowski, 1956). A turkologist of the next generation, Tadeusz Majda is the author of an invaluable catalogue (although need of revision) of Turkish and Persian manuscripts in Polish collections (Majda, 1967) and of works on Islamic art, Persian included.
While formally Iranian studies in Warsaw were attached to the Department of Turkology until 1996, in reality they were systematically gaining independence after 1966, when two of Zajączkowski’s former students were engaged for teaching and research: Bogdan Składanek, in the history of Islamic Persia (see Składanek, 1980, 1996, 1999-2007) and Maria Składankowa, in literature. Składankowa wrote a number of books on Persian literature (in particular epic) and culture (1981, 1984, 1995, 1996 among others), which strongly influenced the subsequent generations of Warsaw Iranologists. At present (2013), besides the professors Bogdan Składanek and Maria Składankowa, who are still active, the team of the Iranian Department includes also Prof. Jolanta Sierakowska-Dyndo (history and culture of Afghanistan and Iran), Prof. Jadwiga Pstrusińska (Pashto language, Afghan, Central Asian, and Eurasian studies), Sylwia Surdykowska, director of the Department (culture and religion of Iran), Magdalena Zaborowska (Islamic philosophy and intellectual currents), Monika Chwilczyńska-Wawrzyniak and Mohammad Amin Rokni (language teaching), and Mirosław Michalak (classical literature, travel literature, and naval traditions of Iran).
Barbara Majewska (1928-90; see Józefowicz-Czabak, 1991) and Zofia Józefowicz-Czabak, who passed through Polish refugee camps in Iran during World War II, are acknowledged for their translations of Persian literature into Polish. Apart from many short pieces from classical and modern authors regularly published in Przegląd Orientalistyczny, Majewska translated Ṣādeq Hedāyat’s Buf-e kur (1979), and Józefowicz-Czabak some texts of ʿObayd Zākāni (1988). A translation of a selection of Foruḡ Farroḵzād’s poems was their common work (Majewska and Józefowicz-Czabak, 1980). Majewska is the author of a number of valuable articles on Persian literature and traditional theater and on the history of Polish-Iranian relations. A prolific continuator of the translation traditions in Warsaw today is Ivonna Nowicka (e.g., a choice of modern short stories: 2002), who also translates Polish poetry into Persian. Kaveh Pur Rahnama(1937-2012), a former student of the Film Academy in Łódź, who taught spoken Persian at Warsaw University for many years, and Monika Chwilczyńska-Wawrzyniak are authors of a series of textbooks for Polish students. At present, Warsaw Iranian studies clearly incline towards a generally anthropological approach.
Prof. Barbara Kaimof the Institute of Archaeology of Warsaw University is involved in field research in Iran and its outskirts (e.g., Turkmenistan), concentrating on Sasanian fire temples. Afghan subject matter occupies an important place in the university’s research and teaching curricula.
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań has no regular Iranian studies, but its College of Foreign Languages offers courses of modern Persian language, and Kurdish (Sorani) is taught as an optional second language to the students of Arabic at the Department of Asiatic Studies, to which a Workshop of Kurdish Studies, directed by Prof. Adnan Abbas, is attached.
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Barbara Majewska and Zofia Józefowicz-Czabak, tr. of a selection of Foruḡ Farroḵzād’s poems, as I znów powitam słońce (And I will greet the sun again), Warsaw, 1980.
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Idem, Sztuka islamu w Polsce w XVII i XVIII w. (Islamic art in Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries), Krakow, 1935.
Idem, “Perski buzdygan w posiadaniu ks. Sanguszków” (A Persian mace in Prince Sanguszko’s possession), Dawna sztuka 2/1, 1939, pp. 156-87.
Idem, “Le tapis persan dit cracovien-parisien de trésor de la Cathédrale de Cracovie,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 16, 1950,pp. 556-77.
Idem, “Wyprawa po kobierce do Persji w roku 1601” (An expedition after carpets to Persia in 1601), Rocznik Orientalistyczny 17, 1951-52, pp. 184-211.
Idem, Orient w polskiej kulturze artystycznej (The Orient in Polish artistic culture), Wroclaw and Krakow, 1959.
Idem, “Some Documents from Polish Sources Relating to Carpet Making in the Time of Shāh ʿAbbās I,” in Arthur Upham Pope and Phyllis Ackerman, eds., A Survey of Persian Art VI, Tehran, 1977, pp. 2431-37.
Barbara Mękarska, “Les transformations dans la structure de la proposition du vieux-perse comme consequence de l’apparition des formes analytiques du verbe,” in Anna Krasnowolska, ed., Iranica Cracoviensia: Cracow Iranian Studies in Memory of Wladysław Dulȩba, Krakow, 1996, pp. 127-32.
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Mirosław Michalak, “The Political Background of Iranian Naval Activities of the Sassanian Period,” in A. Krasnowolska, ed., Iranica Cracoviensia: Cracow Iranian Studies in Memory of Władysław Dulęba, Cracow, 1996, pp. 133-56.
Krzysztofa Michalewska, “Z dziejów nauczania języków orientalnych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim w latach 1818-36” (The teaching of Oriental languages at Jagiellonian University in the years 1818-36), in Jan Reychman, ed., Szkice z dziejów polskiej orientalistyki (Sketches from the history of Polish oriental studies), 3 vols., Warsaw, 1957-69, II, pp. 107-20.
Tadeusz Miciński, tr., “Mewlana Dżalaleddin Rumi, Z pierwszego dywanu ..., Z wtórego dywanu” (Mawlanā Jalāl-al-din Rumi. From the first divān ..., from the second divān), Chimera 9, 1905, pp. 373-400.
Idem, Poezje, ed. J. Prokop, Krakow, 1980, pp. 330-64.
Marijan Molé, “Gäršāsp-nāmä Asadi’ego z Tus a legenda o Krsāspie: Przyczynek do badań nad formacją i rozwojem epopei irańskiej” (Asadi Tusi’s Garšāsp-nāma and the legend of Krsāspa: A contribution to the study of the origins and development of Iranian epos), 1948a; unpub. Ph.D. diss., Jagiellonian University Archive, Sygn. WHm 197.
Idem, “Rustam a Krsāspa: Przyczynek do badań nad formacją eposu irańskiego” (Rostam and Krsāspa: A contribution to the study on the formation of Iranian epic), Sprawozdania Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności 49, 1948b, pp. 269-72.
Idem, “Legenda o Yamie w II fargardzie Vendidad i początki dualizmu irańskiego” (The Yama legend in the 2nd fargard of the Videvdat and the origins of Iranian dualism), Sprawozdania Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności 49, 1948c, pp. 355-59.
Idem, “Some Remarks on the 19th fargard of the Videvdat,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 17, 1951-52, pp. 281-89.
Idem, “Daēnā, le pont Činvat et l’initiation dans le Mazdéisme,” Revue de l’histoire des religions 157, 1960, pp. 155-85.
Idem, Culte, mythe et cosmologie dans l'Iran ancien, Paris, 1963.
Wilhelm G. Münnich,“De poesia Persica: Scripsit Dr. Guil. Münnich, Prof. Publ. Ord. in Universitate studiorum Jagellonica,” Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego z Uniwersytetem Krakowskim połączonego 10, 1825, pp. 35-84.
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Sefer Muratowicz, “Relacya Sefera Muratowicza Ormianina, posłanego króla Jmci do Persyi, z którą wróciwszy się stamtąd podał na piśmie w te słowa ...” (An account by Sefer Muratowicz the Armenian, His Majesty’s envoy to Persia, reported in a written form on his return ...), in Adam Walaszek, ed., Trzy relacje z polskich podróży na Wschód muzułmański w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku, Krakow, 1980, pp. 35-47.
Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz, Pisma rozmaite II, Warsaw, 1802.
Basile Nikitine, “Une apologie kurde du sunnisme,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 8, 1931-32, pp. 116-60.
Idem, “Quatrains choisis d’Omar Hayyam, traduits de l’original par André Gawroński,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 10, 1935, pp. 250-61.
Idem, Les Kurdes: étude sociologique et historique, Paris, 1956; tr. Moḥammad Qāżi, as Kord wa Kordestān: barrasi az didgāh-e siāsi, jāmeʿa-šenāsi, wa tāriḵi, 3rd ed., Tehran, 1999.
Ewa Nowakowska, “Przekłady gazali Dżalaluddina Rumiego na tle twórczości Tadeusza Micińskiego” (Translations of Jalaluddin Rumi’s ḡazals in the context of Taduesz Miciński’s output), in Maria Podraza-Kwiatkowska, ed., Studia o Tadeuszu Micińskim, Krakow, 1979, pp. 433-42.
Ivonna Nowicka, tr., Kolacja cyprysu i ognia: Współczesne opowiadania irańskie (A cypress’s and a fire’s dinner: Modern Persian short stories), Warsaw, 2002.
Samuel Otwinowski, tr. Golestān of Saʿdi, as Perska Księga na polski język przełożona od Jmci Pana Samuela Otwinowskiego sekretarza J. Kr. Mci nazwana Giulistan to jest Ogród Różany z dawnego rękopisu wydał Dr. I. Janicki (A Persian book named Golestān, i.e., the Rose Garden, tr. Into Polish by ..., edited from an old manuscript by Dr. I. Janicki), Warsaw, 1879.
Przemysław Piekarski, “Tadeusz Pobożniak,” in Jan Michalik and Waclaw Walecki, eds., Złota Księga Wydziału Filologicznego (Golden Book of the Faculty of Philology), 2000, pp. 667-71.
Ignacy Pietraszewski, Zend Avesta ou plutôt Zen-Daschta expliqué d’après un principe tout à fait nouveau, 3 vols., Berlin, 1858.
Idem, Abrégé de la grammaire zend, Berlin, 1961.
Andrzej Pisowicz, “The Development of the Middle Persian System of Obstruents,” in Wojciech Skalmowski and Alois van Tongerloo, eds., Middle Iranian Studies: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Louvain, 1984, pp. 15-24.
Idem, Origins of the New and Middle Persian Phonological Systems, Krakow, 1985.
Idem, “Językoznawca i miłośnik literatury pięknej: Wspomnienie o profesorze Wojciechu Skalmowskim (1933-2008)” (A linguist and lover of literature: A remembrance of Prof. Wojciech Skalmowski), Alma Mater 108, 2008, pp. 41-43.
Andrzej Pisowicz, Andrzej Bartczak, and Muthafar Muhamad, Gramatyka kurdyjska/Sorani: Wariant używany w Erbilu (Kurdish/Sorani grammar: A variant used in Erbil), Kraków, 2013.
Jean Przyluski, “Deva et asura,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 8, 1934, pp. 25-29.
Jadwiga Pstrusińska, O tajnych językach Afganistanu i ich użytkownikach (On secret languages of Afghanistan and their users), Krakow, 2004.
Idem, “Z dziejów afganologii polskiej” (On Afghan studies in Poland), in Tadeusz Majda, ed., Szkice z dziejów polskiej orientalistyki: praca zbiorowa IV, Warsaw, 2007.
Zygmunt Pucko, “The Activity of Polish Jesuits in Persia and Neighbouring Countries in the 17th and 18th Centuries,” in Charles Melville, ed., Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies, part 2: Medieval and Modern Persian Studies, Wiesbaden, 1999, pp. 309-16.
Karolina Rakowiecka-Asgari, Poetyka pytania. Analiza zjawiska w poezji Qejsara Aminpura (Poetic of the question. analysis of the phenomenon in Qeisar Aminpur’s poetry), Krakow, 2010.
Józef Reczek, Najstarsze słowiańsko-irańskie stosunki językowe (The oldest Slavo-Iranian language interrelations), Krakow, 1985.
Mikołaj Rej, Wizerunek własny żywota człowieka poczciwego (A decent man’s self-portrait), ed. Wladyslaw Kuraszkiewicz, Wrocław, Warsaw, Krakow, and Gdansk, 1971, pp. 542-611.
Jan Reychman, Niedoszły projekt z czasów Komisji Edukacyjnej (A failed project from the time of the Commission of Education), Krakow, 1936.
Idem, Znajomość i nauczanie języków orientalnych w Polsce (Knowledge and teaching of Oriental languages in Poland), Wrocław, 1950.
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Idem, “Z dziejów orientalistyki na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim w latach międzywojennych” (From the history of Oriental studies at Warsaw University between the two wars), Przegląd Orientalistyczny, no. 47, 1963/3, pp. 227-32.
Idem, Orient w kulturze polskiego oświecenia (The Orient in the culture of the Polish enlightement), Wrocław, Warsaw, and Krakow, 1964.
Idem, “Z dziejów orientalizmu polskiego w dobie Oświecenia” (From the history of Polish Orientalism in the Enlightment period), in idem, ed., Szkice z dziejów polskiej orientalistyki (Sketches from the history of Polish Oriental studies) II, Warsaw, 1966, pp. 79-105.
Idem, “Z dziejów literatury perskiej w Polsce: Ludwik Spitznagel jako tłumacz Nizamiego” (From the history of Persian literature in Poland: Ludwik Spitznagel as Nizami’s translator), in Jan Reychman, ed., Wschód w literaturze polskiej, Wrocław, Warsaw, and Krakow, 1970, pp. 51-65.
JanMichał Rozwadowski, “Stosunki leksykalne między językami słowiańskimi a irańskimi” (Lexical interrelations between the Slavic and the Iranian languages), Rocznik Orientalistyczny I, 1914-15, pp. 95-110.
Renata Rusek, Listy Perły Kadich jako przykład XII-wiecznej epistolografii mistycznej (The letters of the pearl of the Qadis as an example of the 12-century mystical epistolography), Krakow, 2009.
Stanisław Schayer, Religie Wschodu (Religions of the East), Warsaw, 1938.
Józef Sękowski“Literatura Wschodnia: Diwani Chodża Hafyz Szirazi: Zbiór poezyi Chodży Hafyza z Szyrazu, sławnego rymotwórcy perskiego” (Oriental literature: Divan of Ḵᵛāja Ḥāfeẓ Širāzi: collection of poetry of Ḵᵛāja Ḥāfeẓ of Shiraz, a famous Persian poet), Dziennik Wileński 1/1, 1820a, pp. 257-72.
Idem, “Niektóre szczegóły o dzisiejszym stanie i zasadach wewnętrznego sprawowania potężnego państwa Iranu (Persyi)” (Some details on the present state and principles of internal management of the powerful state of Iran /Persia/), Dziennik wileński 2, 1820b, pp. 26-35.
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Idem, Afganistan: narodziny republiki (Afghanistan: Birth of a republic), Warsaw, 2002.
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(Anna Krasnowolska)
Originally Published: January 1, 2000
Last Updated: December 13, 2013